While Johnson relied on his advisors for support and success in Vietnam, his original hopes for a brief conflict ending in with a divided and contained Vietnam ended in his further escalation of troops between and
Particularly important are the ways that workers both defined and were defined by differences of race, gender, ethnicity, class, and place.
Individual workers and organized groups of working Americans both transformed and were transformed by the main struggles of the industrial era, including conflicts over the place of former slaves and their descendants in the United States, mass immigration and migrations, technological change, new management and business models, the development of a consumer economy, the rise of a more active federal government, and the evolution of popular culture.
The period between and saw a crucial transition in the labor and working-class history of the United States. At its outset, Americans were working many more hours a day than the eight for which they had fought hard in the late 19th century.
On average, Americans labored fifty-four to sixty-three hours per week in dangerous working conditions approximately 35, workers died in accidents annually at the turn of the century.
Byhalf of all Americans lived in growing urban Protest between 1900 1945 essay example, and for many of them chronic unemployment, poverty, and deep social divides had become a regular part of life. Workers had little power in either the Democratic or Republican party.
The ranks of organized labor were shrinking in the years before the economy began to recover in Dreams of a more democratic alternative to wage labor and corporate-dominated capitalism had been all but destroyed. Workers struggled to find their place in an emerging consumer-oriented culture that assumed everyone ought to strive for the often unattainable, and not necessarily desirable, marks of middle-class respectability.
Yet American labor emerged from World War II with the main sectors of the industrial economy organized, with greater earning potential than any previous generation of American workers, and with unprecedented power as an organized interest group that could appeal to the federal government to promote its welfare.
The labor and working-class history of the United States between andthen, is the story of how working-class individuals, families, and communities—members of an extremely diverse American working class—managed to carve out positions of political, economic, and cultural influence, even as they remained divided among themselves, dependent upon corporate power, and increasingly invested in a individualistic, competitive, acquisitive culture.
In the eyes of the law, Americans generally—with the exception of married white women—had a responsibility to work, but their sole right at work was the right to quit.
Great changes were taking place, yet Americans generally believed that even more change was needed if the republic were to survive and thrive in the industrial era.
In the workplace as much as in surrounding communities, Americans feared the implications of this new era of global economic expansion. Political and ideological violence may have been rare, but when violence broke out, it both stigmatized and divided labor groups, even as it brought swift reactions from local police, private detective firms, and state and federal officials.
The labor violence and economic upheavals of the late 19th century had been horrific enough to convince many powerful Americans that reform was necessary. InRepublican president William McKinley, who would be assassinated in by the anarchist Leon Czolgosz, appointed the United States Industrial Commission to study the causes of labor violence.
At the same time, a broad group of largely middle-class and elite Americans, soon to be known as Progressives, set out to document and then ameliorate the worst forms of corruption in the economy and politics, and to soften the edges of the new industrial system by making workplaces, consumer products, and neighborhoods safer and healthier.
There was no single Progressive Era social movement; rather, reformers sought everything from antitrust legislation, shorter working hours, and safer workplaces to bans on child labor, protective legislation for female workers, and reforms that would clean up manufacturing and the political process.
These top-down reform efforts—efforts that emphasized the need for greater efficiency and order in the economy and at the workplace—would be deeply ambiguous for workers. But they reflected an important move away from the commitments to Social Darwinism and laissez-faire principles that had defined the Gilded Age.Prompt: To what extent did the goals of American foreign policy change in the years ?
For what reasons did these goals change? The s were a difficult time for most Americans. To what extent was the CCP able to develop as a significant political force in the years to ?
The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) was a revolutionary movement led by Professors Chen Duxiu and Li Dazhao, who emerged from the May Fourth Movement, challenging the traditional Confucian Chinese ideas and were influenced by the ideas of Karl Marx. You just finished American Foreign Policy: Isolationism to Interventionism (DBQ).Nice work!
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Tip: Use ← → keys to navigate! Up until colonial governments and communities formally and informally discriminated against Aboriginal people (Rights and freedoms, the present, n.d.). Three significant events that focus on this are the ‘Day of Mourning, ’, ‘The Freedom Ride, ’, and the ‘Aboriginal Tent Embassy, ’.
Impact of the Islamic Invasion on Spain. The history of Spain reflects the effect of certain cultures and religions on Spanish population, language, traditions and style of life.
Between and the s there was some progress in the campaign for Aboriginal citizenship rights, but the gains were usually subject to strict conditions. In the Commonwealth granted voting rights to Aboriginal ex-servicemen and ex-servicewomen (Civics and Citizenship Education, ).